The many forms of contemporary racism

Dr Amanuel Elias

The American sociologist W.E.B Du Bois wrote “the problem of the twentieth century [was] the problem of the color line” referring to the racial inequity and relations among people of different ethno-national backgrounds (Du Bois, 2008, p. 15). After more than a century of global wars, revolutions, and national social movements, the colour line remains visible in many parts of the world through perpetual ethnic and racial inequities, systemic racism, and racial hatred. Yet, the colour line has also kept transforming and shifting, with new forms of racism and social inequities becoming pervasive in contemporary societies. These social oppressions have generated widespread anti-racism movements across societies characterized by super-diversity while also emboldening groups with extremist ideologies (Lloyd, 2007; Paradies, 2016; Vertovec, 2007).

Indeed, racism, xenophobia, and religious discrimination are not new, but have been around for much of human civilisations in different forms and structures. What is new today is our awareness and scientific understanding of these social forces and our ability to predict when and why they occur. Not only has racism scholarship grown in depth and extent, but there is also increasing awareness about its multidimensional social harm. Along with economic inequality, climate change, religious extremism, and political repression, racism has been identified as an enduring problem facing the world today (Krieger, 2020). Research also demonstrates how racism threatens to depress the wellbeing of minority groups and undermine societal harmony (Paradies et al., 2015; Elias and Paradies, 2016).

To put this in context, the 21st century began with events that significantly changed societies across the world. The September 11 terrorist attack in the US, the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, and the ongoing coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), were the three major events that shocked the entire world, disrupting and transforming contemporary life. Of course, race relations is one of the social domains that has been deeply impacted by these epoch-making events. While the terrorist attacks in New York unleashed anti-Muslim sentiments, particularly in Western societies, the two other events have triggered significant racism and xenophobia towards migrants worldwide (Babacan & Gopalkrishnan, 2020; Esposito & Kalin, 2011). Clearly, the three events are not the only socio-economic forces that defined contemporary social relations. However, they have been pervasive, and have had a lasting influence on a global scale, particularly in race relations.

While we have learned so much about racism and its impact, particularly over the last century, there is a growing academic endeavour to challenge racism, xenophobia and racial injustice. Globally, anti-racism has become a salient social movement in reaction to mediatised reports of racist events, with unprecedented awareness about ongoing systemic oppression of minority groups. This commentary piece explores key issues on racism that have been widely debated in the literature. Drawing on an upcoming book on racism (Elias, Mansouri, & Paradies, In press), the piece aims to unpack some of the contemporary forms of racism, and put them in a context of deeply rooted systemic racism and rising exclusionary nationalism.

Characteristics of contemporary racism

Racism is a complex social issue, and more so today as it permeates all aspects of our lives. In academic literature, contemporary racism is distinguished from traditional forms of racism that are based on the perceived “biological” difference and superiority of certain groups. Racism is no longer understood as an overt expression of prejudice, contempt and revulsion based on race or skin colour. Contemporary racism conceptualises racism that is subtle, insidious, and covert in nature and is mainly based on cultural differences (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005). Race, ethnicity, skin colour, culture, ancestry, and nationality are indeed some of the key markers of racial prejudice. However, in this version of racism, the biases and prejudices are often hidden beneath the surface of statistical rationalism and a façade of meritocracy (Brief et al., 2000). These biases are rarely apparent to the person who does not pay attention. Hence, scholars often call these forms of racism unconscious bias (Banks and Ford, 2008).

Normally, human beings have the propensity to like or dislike others based on personal affinity, commonality, and self-interest. Unconscious bias may not necessarily reflect these rationalisable factors, as the person is generally unaware of the motives behind their choices and decisions. Yet, unconscious racial biases often shape and determine the social outcomes for various groups. These have been empirically documented in research across social, behavioural and health sciences (Greenwald et al., 2009; Krieger et al., 2011; Nosek et al., 2007). For example, Bertrand and Mullainathan (2004) demonstrate that employer bias significantly affects the labour market outcomes of non-white applicants. Such discriminatory outcomes have also been evidenced in Australia (Booth et al., 2009). The unconscious or implicit aspect of new racism manifests in ways that have been variously conceptualised in social psychology as ‘aversive racism’, ‘ambivalent racism’, ‘symbolic racism’, and ‘laissez-faire racism’.

New racism in many of its expressions has been empirically examined across countries (Cole, 2005; Dunn et al., 2004; Hodson et al., 2005). In the 21st century, racism incorporates features of new racism along with distinct manifestations that are associated with contemporary socio-political issues. Among these are immigration, globalisation, terrorism, digital communication, and super-diversity, which exerted unprecedented pressures on national and supra-national institutions, and raised intense academic and policy debates. These global factors pose great complexity for nation-states in maintaining social cohesion and inclusion, particularly in the context of rising exclusionary nationalism festered by socioeconomic and epidemiological problems.

Racism and Super-diversity

The contemporary context of many countries is characterised by a complex and very diverse social composition that continuously grows in quantitative and qualitative complexity. Scholars commonly refer to this as super-diversity (Vertovec, 2007). Super-diversity was originally used to describe the complex ethno-linguistic and religious composition of immigrants arriving in the UK and the diverse legal statuses, demographic and labour market experiences they faced after their arrival. It was a concept proposed also to highlight that “the new migration patterns” emerging within the UK “not only entailed variable combinations of these traits, but that their combinations produced new hierarchical social positions, statuses or stratifications” (Vertovec, 2019, p. 126). The level of diversity that emerged from these social stratifications can manifest in intergroup tensions and conflicts that undermine social capital (Putnam, 2007).

Racism is one of the main social forces manifesting differently in contemporary contexts of super-diversity. However, the relationship it has to the latter is not always unidirectional. Although a super-diverse society may have the social environments that create conditions for intergroup tension (Putnam, 2007), this is not necessarily inevitable (Stahl et al., 2010). Nonetheless, in a politically polarised context, highly diverse societies can be vulnerable to occurrences of racism. The recent flare up of xenophobic and anti-multicultural sentiments in several Western countries is testament to this possibility (Elias et al., In press). As countries continue to face emerging socio-economic, political and demographic challenges associated with growing mobility, technological transformation and environmental challenges, intergroup competition and conflict may intensify.

Scholars have argued that diversity and super-diversity are inescapable demographic realities that if properly managed may produce economic and social dividends (Nathan, 2011; Syrett & Sepulveda, 2011). Thus, the discourse on super-diversity in a context of racism and rising xenophobia, has recently moved to a new direction. This is the case, particularly, in relation to the debate on policy approaches – multiculturalism vs interculturalism – toward managing prevalent super-diversity (Council of Europe, 2008; Elias and Mansouri, 2020). With dialogic and contact-based approaches to diversity gaining attention in policymaking, which policy paradigm will be successful in attaining the desired goals of reduced racism and equality remains to be seen.      

Manifestations of contemporary racism

New racism manifests today in hostile attitudes towards perceived outgroups inter alia based on race, ethnicity, culture, religion, and nation. These markers of identity intersect with each other and with various socio-political forces in shaping and transforming new forms of racist expressions. Among these are Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, racism against migrants, and far-right extremism, which have global dimensions and are usually triggered by trans-local social and political circumstances (Vieten & Poynting, 2016). Below, I consider some forms of these intergroup hostilities that are already manifesting in contemporary multicultural societies. They are selected here as they embody distinct yet closely interlinked manifestations of exclusion, and because of their pervasiveness at a global scale. Each of them reflects a particular aspect of in-group and outgroup identity expression, responding to particular perceived threats.    

Islamophobia

Anti-Islam sentiment is deeply rooted in the history of the West since medieval times. Edward Said (2003) critically demonstrates the othering, homogenising, and essentialist Western conception of Muslims across Asia and North Africa in his critique of Orientalism. Contemporary racialised discourse also finds its expression in debates on Islamophobia (Garner, 2017), which have arisen following the September 11, 2001 event, as another socio-political factor that impacts on the racial dynamics in the West. The so-called War on Terror that legitimised the securitisation of various issues and institutions, including immigration, policing, and media across the Global North, is a driving force for culturally coded security and social policies across countries. For example, the rise of Islamophobia within Australian society, particularly over the last two decades, clearly shows the influence of global political factors on social attitudes, behaviours and relationships (Briskman, 2015; Poynting & Mason, 2007). Today, this is often reflected in anti-Muslim sentiment and thinking among groups fomenting far-right ideologies.

Far-right ideologies, which have grown over the last few decades, often draw support from white middle-class men who feel disempowered by the perceived threats of super-diversity and multiculturalism (Kimmel, 2018; Wendling, 2018). For example, the Alt-Right is a typical loose coalition of groups with far-right ideologies around opposing establishment politics, political correctness, Islam, feminism, Black Lives Matter movement, and a vague notion of globalism (Wendling, 2018). Indeed, far-right movements are generally country-specific in their nature and should be seen in the context of local socio-political environments (Perry & Scrivens, 2016).

Radical groups have largely embraced Islamophobia (Kallis, 2018), and it is fast gaining momentum with the rhetoric and discourse on religious extremism, terrorism, and security concerns. Within this trend, the far-right represents an amalgam of groups that are diverse and distinct in terms of their mobilisation strategies. These groups have re-emerged amid a global feeling of disenfranchisement, which historically gained traction in the 1990s, now continuing with a global ambience of anti-minority sentimentalities. Some of their distinct issues of interest relate to Indigenous Peoples, immigration, gender diversity, ethnic diversity, and sexual preference (Peucker et al., 2019). Voogt (2017) draws a distinction “between traditional White supremacist far-right groups and the increasingly active anti-Muslim groups” (p. 34). The latter in particular have emerged to prominence by exploiting contemporary discourse in Western media, shifting public attitudes to the fringe while mainstreaming far-right groups and some of their ideologies (Bail, 2014).

Globalized Racism

Racist attitudes often reflect a society’s local socio-political conditions and structures of racial and ethnic inequalities. Such locally driven racisms may vary depending on social groups in a country or region, and are in most cases constructed as outcomes of deeper racist histories wrought largely through colonialism and post-colonial social relations. For example, racism against Indigenous Peoples in Australia is distinct and unique to Australia, and an outcome of settler-colonial history. In addition to depicting colonial legacies of race relations, contemporary racist attitudes also reflect ongoing attitudes to immigration and multiculturalism. According to the Challenging Racism Project (CRP), racism in Australia tends to be geographically localised in smaller communities, and is characterised as having an everywhere different pattern (Forrest & Dunn, 2006; Nelson & Dunn, 2017). At the national level, country-specific socio-economic, cultural and political factors often determine prevailing intergroup dynamics. At least two distinct historical origins of racism exist in Australia, one in relation to the colonial and postcolonial institutional structures that systematically excluded and disenfranchised Indigenous Peoples, and the second in relation to migrant minority ethnic groups and their treatment within the White Australia Policy.

While race relations in every country often reflect local contexts and certain ideological perspectives (e.g., White supremacism, anti-Semitism, Orientalism, etc.), the way racism is produced and reproduced has transformed with the advent of the Internet over the last three decades. With the ever-growing influence of cyberspace as the ubiquitous domain of intercultural encounter, racism is no longer an avoidable nuisance. Rather it has now become a global digitally-connected phenomenon, with so-called hate groups (e.g., White supremacists, white nationalists, Alt-Right, and neo-Nazi) gaining access to worldwide audiences. Racism today is no longer strictly perpetrated in close physical proximity; the culprit is not necessarily one sharing the same legal jurisdiction with the target. In addition, racism is not necessarily an immediate outcome of local socio-political and economic circumstances that have allegedly disenfranchised the perpetrators. Thus, even in relatively politically and economically stable economies (e.g., Sweden, New Zealand, and Australia), groups and individuals with racist ideologies may vicariously import racist hatred, targeting local minorities.

The sweeping rise of far-right populism across Europe and the US, particularly over the last decade, is a typical example of how racist ideology can travel and influence local political discourse (Vieten & Poynting, 2016). In an era marked by intense globalisation and the attendant movement of people, ideas, capital, information, and technology, racist attitudes and ideologies today travel with increasingly wider influence (Goldin & Reinert, 2007). Racist episodes and expressions have translocal reach, travelling across borders and disseminating at the speed of the Internet. Thus, we can speak of a travelling racism whose production and dissemination has no spatial and temporal confinements. With digital connectivity, one can perpetrate racism from home, as another can be exposed to it while comfortably sitting in their living room. For example, the globalised forms of travelling racism in Australia can be seen as reflected in Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and the recent anti-Asian COVID-racism, attitudes not necessarily informed or driven by Australia’s local circumstances.

Internet-mediated racism has become a salient aspect of travelling racism that is fast becoming a growing area of research (Daniels, 2009; Jakubowicz, 2017). Commonly referred to as cyber-racism, this contemporary form of racism reflects both overt and covert forms of racisms, largely enabled by the anonymizing nature of the Internet. Scholars have demonstrated cyber-racism as a growing contemporary issue, where far-right groups have acquired versatility in propagating racist ideologies (Jakubowicz, 2017; Peucker & Smith, 2019). Its significance has also been shown in the current COVID-19 context, and the recent COVID-19 related surge in racism worldwide is a testament to this possibility (Dubey, 2020; Elias et al., In press).

Neoliberal anti-multiculturalism

The emergence of multiculturalism as a political theory of pro-diversity and ethnic equality has been credited with progressive achievements over the last half-century (Kymlicka, 2013). In some places (e.g., Canada and Australia), it has to some extent succeeded in fostering the acceptance of cultural difference. Yet, recently anti-multicultural policy attitudes have gained ground among right-wing politicians in EurEurope, who criticised multicultural policies for isolating minorities into ethnic enclaves (Qadeer, 2005; Terzano, 2014). Indeed, since the late 1980s, there has been opposition to multicultural policies among groups pushing for neoliberal policies in immigration, employment, social policy, and social security (Abu-Laban & Stasiulis, 1992; Gilroy, 2013). Lentin and Titley (2011) argue that in its diluted fluidity, the discourse of multiculturalism provides for the contestation of notions of race, culture and belonging within a neoliberal framework. Hence, “presenting it as a ‘failed experiment’, and inserting it in a causal historical narrative, allows anxieties concerning migration, globalization and the socio-political transformations wrought by neoliberal governance to be ordered and explained” (Lentin and Titley, 2011, p. 3).

Critics of neoliberalism argue that opposition to multiculturalism serves to mask racist policies behind notions of individual liberty while attacking the social bonds and collective identities that were crucial for the rise of freedom and liberty (Kymlicka, 2013). This argument emphasises the intertwining nature of race and class in the prevailing global political climate, particularly in the Global North, where migrants and racial minorities remain excluded from social, economic, cultural and political privileges (Massey, 2009; Abu-Laban & Gabriel, 2002; Thomas & Kamari Clarke, 2013). In a Marxist critique, Bhattacharyya et al. (2016) see a connection between racism and globalisation, where racism and whiteness interact within a global neoliberal political-economic order to maintain the economic interests of privileged Anglo-Celtics and Europeans in the Global North. In this sense, racism becomes an instrument of global capitalism, an organising principle to structure and maintain existing socio-political hierarchy. Paul (2020, p. 2) thus writes:

The global crisis [of the world order] is energized in the contradictions of global capitalism that is in effect totalitarian in its global aspiration to economic and political power, an aspiring global state, and the imperatives of economic growth, driving every nation-state of the world. Racism is embedded in the emergence of a new imperialism to maintain Western global hegemony, a growing source of instability and violence in the world system, endangering the survival of humanity.

While the structural institutional challenges neoliberal global capitalism poses remain as powerful as ever, the challenges emerging from the resurgent exclusionary nationalism are also strong. In Australia, democracy and market liberalism have often been contradicted by exclusionary nationalism as the Commonwealth finds itself in awkward entanglements in such things as colonial legacy, immigration rights, climate science, and racist discourse (Dandy & Pe-Pua, 2015; Fredrickson, 2015; Rigney, 1999). The immigration rights issue, in particular, has long been controversial in successive governments. It remains so, playing a critical role in the nation’s “cultural identity”.

Xenophobic Nationalism

Another manifestation of racism in the context of opposition to multiculturalism pertains to exclusionary nationalism. This is reflected in recent resurgence of nationalism and xenophobia worldwide, often drawing together groups rejecting immigration, cultural diversity, and religious pluralism. While these sentiments mainly respond to local conditions, global factors and events may become a constant source of inspiration for the reproduction and repackaging of xenophobic racism. For example, the rise of populism has been a pattern recently, sweeping more conservative factions of the political right to power in several Western countries such as the US, UK, Austria, Hungary, Israel, Russia, Brazil, India, and Australia.The rise of xenophobic nationalism did not come as a surprise, and scholars have seen this coming all along. For example, Smith (1995, p. 1) highlighted in Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era that: “at the close of the second millennia, there should be a resurgence of ethnic conflict and nationalism, at a time when the world is becoming more unified and interconnected and when the barriers between ethnic groups and nations are falling away and becoming obsolete.” This accurately reflected what has been transpiring recently in the West (Elgenius and Rydgren, 2019) and in conflicts and tensions across the Global South (such as the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Myanmar, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Yemen). In the West, the reactions to the post-conflict upsurge in immigration and population displacements have given rise to xenophobic right-wing populism coupled with racist rhetoric (Gsttetner, 2016; Macedo & Gounari, 2006; Vieten & Poynting, 2016; Elias et al., In press). As social and economic conditions harden, political polarisation widen, and international competition over power and resources continue to strengthen nativism and militant populism, these racist behaviours and discourses are expected to increase. Indeed, while forming urgent rationale for reflexive engagement across academic research and policy praxis, at both national and international levels, these complex challenges will remain critical for social harmony, inclusion, and sustainable intercultural coexistence.

Anti-racism

The sections above reflected on forms of racism that have emerged in multicultural societies over the last century. The discussion highlighted how continuously shifting and transforming manifestations of racism in contemporary societies pose a complex challenge for racial equality and social harmony worldwide. Yet, racism as a system of oppression manifesting in these different forms has also kindled anti-racism struggles motivated to eradicate it and to ensure social justice (Bonnett, 2000; Lloyd, 2007; Paradies, 2016). Despite criticisms against anti-racism (both from the right and left: Gillborn, 2004), it has become an organising cause in a context of growing systemic oppression and exclusionary nationalism.

Today, as the current state of neoliberal order continues to assert itself, we see a new solidarity for racial justice emerging as part of a long history of anti-racism struggle. This solidarity is directly confronting racism both as an ideology manifesting in Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, anti-immigration, and anti-diversity, and as a structural injustice occurring at various national and supra-national institutions. Indeed, racisms that are challenging contemporary society are not only outright racist attitudes, but also the new racisms incorporating conscious and unconscious bias. These many forms of racism manifesting within contemporary socio-political contexts put enormous pressure on anti-racism struggles, which have gained significant stride over the last few decades.

While the impact of racism is often felt locally, this essay has also highlighted the global dimension of racism. The essay has argued that travelling racism reflects nonlocal influences, yet the effect of global social factors on racism is not necessarily always adverse. Such forces can also strengthen anti-racism efforts. The global transmission of racism has an antithesis in the globalisation of anti-racism. Anti-racism can generate global solidarity by appealing to a universal call for justice. The UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination provides a universal consensus against racism. It draws global support for anti-racism action and policies. Both concerted efforts to eradicate racism and spontaneous anti-racism actions can draw solidarity at a global scale. A recent example for this is the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement, which received wide support and following across the world, with unprecedented symbolic actions being taken across a range of platforms.

Arguably, efforts to counter racism should gain wider support as awareness about the many forms of contemporary racism grow. Research in this area should examine how these many racisms occur in, affect, and disseminate across societies worldwide, as well as how each form of contemporary racism could be successfully countered through effective anti-racism strategies. Ultimately, racism and the struggle against it will preoccupy societies, and anti-racism scholarship should play a key role in this collective endeavour.      

Conclusion

The way racism manifests in multiracial societies continuously changes over time while some aspects of old racism continue to persist or reappear. This does not necessarily indicate the decline of the old forms of racism, but rather may reflect the adaptation of racist attitudes to changing socio-political issues and conditions. Thus, contemporary racism depicts a complexity of racism that has a subtle, insidious, and covert nature, often representing hostility to ethnic, cultural, and religious differences. Whether it is expressed as anti-blacks, anti-immigrants, anti-Indigenous Peoples, or in the form of Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, White Supremacism, it has common exclusionary characteristics. Contemporary racism proliferates by appealing to exclusionary ideologies and exclusivist forms of solidarity among in-group members. Racism travels beyond physical boundaries, and whiteness ideology – an ideology of white-centric identity that identifies whiteness as the default, normal, and standard racial identity – among others, can play a vital role as a socio-political adhesive.

While racist attitudes represent an important aspect of racism, contemporary racism has an institutional dimension where neoliberal policies and whiteness interact within a global neoliberal political-economic order to maintain the economic interests of the privileged groups in the Global North. The effects of neoliberal political-economic policies over the last decades can be seen in the regression of the gains in civil-rights reforms and multicultural policies across the West. Thus, the racisms that will challenge contemporary society will not only be outright racist attitudes, but the many forms of new racism manifesting both interpersonally and structurally.

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Dr Amanuel Elias is a Research Fellow at Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship & Globalisation, Deakin University. His interdisciplinary research focuses on race relations, ethnic inequalities and cultural diversity. Dr. Elias received Ph.D. in economics from Deakin University, and has published peer-reviewed articles on racism, the economics of racism, cultural diversity, and intercultural dialogue.